市场与制度 Social Science

32 个科学问题 · 社会科学 Social Science

本页目录

为什么大城市的房价长期上涨,而“盖更多房”往往难以快速压价?供给弹性如何起作用?

Why do big-city housing prices keep rising, and why doesn't “building more” quickly cut prices? How does supply elasticity matter?

住房价格由区位(土地)价值主导,而黄金地段的土地供给缺乏弹性:城市核心区可开发土地有限,且区划管制、高度限制、审批漫长与基建配套成本共同约束新增供给,使供给曲线接近垂直。需求端,人口流入与收入增长持续推动价格上涨,而供给调整滞后数年,需求冲击便主要转化为价格上升而非数量增加。研究表明供给弹性低的城市(如旧金山)房价涨幅远高于弹性高的城市(如休斯敦),土地供给管制是住房可负担性问题的核心制度变量。
Housing prices are dominated by location—land value—and supply of land in prime locations is inelastic: developable land is scarce and zoning rules, height limits, slow approvals, and infrastructure costs jointly constrain new supply, making the supply curve nearly vertical. On the demand side, population inflow and income growth keep pushing prices up while supply adjusts with years of lag, so demand shocks mostly become price rises rather than more units. Research shows low-elasticity cities like San Francisco see far larger price increases than high-elasticity ones like Houston; land-use regulation is a central institutional variable in affordability.
难度 专业 · 适合 高中(15-18) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
来源 · Source

N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#住房价格 #供给弹性 #土地管制

制度经济学如何解释“路径依赖”?

How does institutional economics explain “path dependence”?

诺斯指出制度与技术一旦形成,会因学习效应、协调成本与既得利益而自我强化,使低效制度长期存续(锁定),改变需重大冲击。
North argued institutions and tech self-reinforce via learning, coordination costs, and vested interests, locking in inefficient ones; change needs major shocks.
难度 专业 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-02
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诺斯《制度、制度变迁与经济绩效》(1990)

Douglass North, Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance (1990)

#路径依赖 #制度经济学 #诺斯

区块链在信任机制中有何意义?

What is the significance of blockchain for trust mechanisms?

区块链用分布式账本与加密共识替代对中心化中介的信任,使陌生方能在无第三方下完成可信交易。它降低制度性交易成本,却面临能耗、监管与可扩展挑战。智能合约是其典型应用。
Blockchain replaces trust in centralized intermediaries with a distributed ledger and cryptographic consensus, letting strangers transact reliably without a third party. It lowers institutional transaction costs but faces energy, regulatory, and scalability challenges. Smart contracts are a typical application.
难度 专业 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
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N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#区块链 #信任 #去中心化

什么是“期货”与“期权”?

What are futures and options?

期货是约定未来以固定价格交割标的资产的合约,用于套期保值或投机;期权则赋予买方在未来按约定价买卖的权利而非义务。二者都属衍生品,能管理价格风险也会放大杠杆。
A futures contract obliges delivery of an asset at a fixed future price, used for hedging or speculation; an option gives the buyer the right, not the obligation, to buy or sell at a set price. Both are derivatives that manage price risk yet amplify leverage.
难度 专业 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
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N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#期货 #期权 #衍生品

什么是“寻租”?

What is rent-seeking?

寻租指不创造财富、而是通过游说、垄断或特权把他人财富转移给自己的活动,如争取关税保护或特许牌照。它消耗资源却无社会产出,是制度性腐败的温床。减少寻租靠开放竞争与透明规则。
Rent-seeking is pursuing wealth transfer rather than creation—via lobbying, monopoly, or privilege like tariff protection or licenses. It consumes resources without social output and breeds institutional corruption. Curbing it needs open competition and transparent rules.
难度 专业 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
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N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#寻租 #制度 #腐败

什么是科斯定理?

What is the Coase theorem?

科斯定理指出:在产权明确且交易成本为零时,无论最初权利归谁,当事人总能通过谈判达到有效率的结果。它强调交易成本与制度才是现实障碍。污染谈判、资源纠纷常以其为分析框架。
The Coase theorem states that with clear property rights and zero transaction costs, parties always negotiate to an efficient outcome regardless of who initially holds the right. It stresses that transaction costs and institutions are the real obstacles. Pollution talks and resource disputes often use it as a framework.
难度 专业 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
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N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#科斯定理 #产权 #外部性

什么是“影子银行”?

What is shadow banking?

影子银行指游离于传统银行监管之外的信用中介(如货币基金、信托、回购),履行类似放贷职能却少受资本与流动性约束。它提高融资效率也放大杠杆与传染风险。2008危机暴露其脆弱性。
Shadow banking is credit intermediation outside traditional bank regulation—money market funds, trusts, repos—performing lending-like functions with lighter capital and liquidity constraints. It boosts financing efficiency yet amplifies leverage and contagion risk. The 2008 crisis exposed its fragility.
难度 专业 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
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N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#影子银行 #金融 #风险

「反公地悲剧」怎样说明权利太分散反而让资源无人能用?

How does the 'tragedy of the anticommons' show that too many fragmented rights can leave a resource unusable?

赫勒在 1998 年提出,当同一资源被过多所有者各自握有「一票否决」式权利时,任何使用都需全体同意,结果资源被闲置。它与「公地悲剧」相反:不是人人滥用,而是因权利过散而没人能开发。
Heller argued in 1998 that when too many owners each hold a veto-like right over one resource, any use needs everyone's consent, so the resource sits idle. The opposite of the tragedy of the commons, it is underuse caused by fragmented rights.
难度 专业 · 适合 高中(15-18) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-03
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Heller,《反公地悲剧》,Harvard Law Review 1998

Heller, 'The Tragedy of the Anticommons,' Harvard Law Review 1998

#反公地悲剧 #产权碎片化 #资源闲置

法玛的「有效市场假说」对「股价能否被预测」给出了什么结论?

What conclusion does Fama's 'efficient market hypothesis' draw about whether stock prices can be predicted?

法玛在 1970 年系统阐述,若市场「有效」,所有已知信息都已反映在股价中,因此没有人能持续获得超额收益,价格只对新信息随机变动。该假说奠定了现代金融学的基准,却也因「市场异象」与泡沫而备受争议。
Fama set out in 1970 that if markets are 'efficient,' all known information is already reflected in prices, so no one can consistently earn excess returns and prices move only randomly with new information. It became the benchmark of modern finance yet is debated because of market anomalies and bubbles.
难度 专业 · 适合 高中(15-18) CC BY 4.0 · 来源待核验 · Source pending review
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出处备注:著录含书名,但缺版次 / 出版社 / 年份中的一部分,需编辑补全后才能做独立比对。

Fama,《有效资本市场》,Journal of Finance 1970

Fama, 'Efficient Capital Markets,' Journal of Finance 1970

#有效市场假说 #股价 #金融

为什么个人信息数据需要专门的法律保护?

Why do personal data need dedicated legal protection?

因为数据可以被大规模收集、分析和反复使用,个人几乎无法控制自己信息的流向;数据泄露、滥用画像和算法歧视会带来财产和心理损害,而且难以逆转。数据保护法(如欧盟《通用数据保护条例》GDPR)确立了知情同意、目的限定、更正与删除等原则,要求收集者承担责任。但数据同时具有流动价值,过度保护会阻碍创新和公共服务,因此立法需要在个人权利与数据利用之间权衡。
Because data can be collected, analyzed, and reused at scale, leaving individuals little control over where their information goes; breaches, profiling abuse, and algorithmic discrimination cause financial and psychological harm that's hard to reverse. Data-protection laws such as the EU's GDPR establish informed consent, purpose limitation, and rights to rectification and erasure, holding collectors accountable. But data also has flow value, so law must balance individual rights against innovation and public service.
难度 专业 · 适合 高中(15-18) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-06
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欧盟委员会《通用数据保护条例》(GDPR, 2018)

European Commission, General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR, 2018)

#数据保护 #隐私 #个人信息

平台企业的网络效应如何产生“赢家通吃”?这对竞争政策意味着什么?

How do network effects create “winner-take-all” outcomes for platforms, and what does that mean for competition policy?

网络效应指使用者的价值随用户规模增大而上升:社交、搜索、支付都存在直接(用户越多越有用)或间接(用户越多、配套商家越多)效应。这使市场容易“锁定”领先者,形成天然高进入壁垒,即使新产品更优也难撬动存量用户(转换成本)。传统反垄断以价格损害为中心,而平台常免费或低价,损害体现在质量、隐私、创新与排他行为上。监管手段从拆分、互操作与数据可携带、禁止自我优待到守门人义务不等,但都需权衡干预对创新激励的副作用。
Network effects mean a service's value rises with user numbers: direct (more users, more useful) or indirect (more users, more complementary merchants) effects operate in social media, search, and payments. This tends to lock in a leader and creates high natural entry barriers, so even superior newcomers struggle to move users (switching costs). Traditional antitrust centers on price harm, but platforms are often free or cheap, with harm in quality, privacy, innovation, and exclusion. Remedies range from breakup, interoperability and data portability, bans on self-preferencing, to gatekeeper obligations—all needing to weigh side effects on innovation incentives.
难度 专业 · 适合 高中(15-18) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-04
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Steven Vallas & Juliet B. Schor,《What Do Platforms Do? Understanding the Gig Economy》,Annual Review of Sociology,2020 (DOI: 10.1146/annurev-soc-121919-054857)

Steven Vallas & Juliet B. Schor, 'What Do Platforms Do? Understanding the Gig Economy', Annual Review of Sociology, 2020, DOI: 10.1146/annurev-soc-121919-054857

#网络效应 #平台垄断 #互操作

反垄断政策为何在“消费者福利标准”与“结构主义/新布兰代斯”之间摇摆?

Why does antitrust policy oscillate between a consumer-welfare standard and structuralist/neo-Brandeisian approaches?

芝加哥学派自1970年代确立“消费者福利”标准:只有损害价格、产出与效率的行为才应被诉,企业规模大本身不是过错,这使并购审查宽容、执法趋于克制。新布兰代斯学派则批评该标准忽视了市场集中对工人工资、供应商、创新和民主本身的影响,主张回到“结构推定”与更积极的执法。实践中,欧盟《数字市场法》针对“守门人”的规制与美国对大型平台的反垄断诉讼,都体现了两种范式交替带来的不确定性。
Since the 1970s the Chicago School made consumer welfare the antitrust touchstone: only conduct that harms price, output, and efficiency should be challenged, and bigness per se is not an offense, producing lenient merger review and restrained enforcement. Neo-Brandeisians argue this standard ignores how concentration affects workers' wages, suppliers, innovation, and democracy itself, calling for structural presumptions and vigorous enforcement. In practice, the EU's Digital Markets Act targeting “gatekeepers” and US antitrust suits against big platforms reflect the uncertainty as these paradigms alternate.
难度 专业 · 适合 高中(15-18) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-04
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Lindeboom,《Two Challenges for Neo-Brandeisian Antitrust》,The Antitrust Bulletin,2023 (DOI: 10.1177/0003603x231180251)

Lindeboom, 'Two Challenges for Neo-Brandeisian Antitrust', The Antitrust Bulletin, 2023, DOI: 10.1177/0003603x231180251

#反垄断 #消费者福利 #新布兰代斯

为什么要有专利和版权?它们有什么利弊?

Why do patents and copyrights exist, and what are their trade-offs?

知识产品(新药、软件、书、音乐)复制的成本极低,若没有保护,投入研发和创作的人难以收回成本,创新和创作就会减少。专利和版权在有限时间内授予排他权,把创造性劳动转化为可获利的产权,以此激励创新。代价是形成垄断:权利人可能定高价、阻碍后续研究,所以保护期有限(发明专利一般20年),并有合理使用、强制许可等例外——本质上是在激励创新与公共利益之间寻找平衡。
Knowledge goods, such as new drugs, software, books, and music, cost almost nothing to copy; without protection, creators couldn't recoup their investment and innovation would shrink. Patents and copyrights grant exclusive rights for a limited time, turning creative labor into profitable property and thus rewarding innovation. The cost is monopoly: right-holders may charge high prices and block follow-on research, which is why terms are limited, typically 20 years for patents, with fair-use and compulsory-licensing exceptions, fundamentally a balance between rewarding innovation and serving the public.
难度 专业 · 适合 高中(15-18) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
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N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#知识产权 #专利 #版权

什么是自然垄断?为什么它需要政府监管而非强行拆解?

What is a natural monopoly, and why is it regulated rather than forcibly broken up?

当一家企业供给整个市场的平均总成本最低(规模经济极强,固定成本高、边际成本低),就出现自然垄断,如电网、供水、铁路。强行分拆会重复铺设管网、推高成本。因此政府通常允许独家经营,但用价格监管(回报率规制、价格上限)防止其漫天要价,并施加普遍服务义务。
A natural monopoly arises when one firm can supply the entire market at the lowest average total cost—extreme economies of scale with high fixed and low marginal costs—as with power grids, water, and railways. Forcing competition would duplicate costly infrastructure. Governments therefore allow exclusive supply but regulate prices (rate-of-return or price-cap regulation) and impose universal-service obligations.
难度 进阶 · 适合 初中(12-15) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-02
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《经济学原理》(曼昆) 第15章

Principles of Economics (Mankiw), ch. 15

#自然垄断 #价格监管 #规模经济

布坎南的「俱乐部物品」指哪类「既不纯公共、也不纯私人」的商品?

What kind of good between purely public and purely private did Buchanan call a 'club good'?

布坎南在 1965 年提出「俱乐部物品」:像收费公路或会员制泳池,一个人使用不排斥他人(非竞争性有限),但可通过收费「排他」。它介于私人物品与纯公共物品之间,说明制度安排能改变物品的供给方式。
Buchanan coined 'club goods' in 1965—like toll roads or members-only pools, where use by one person does not fully exclude others yet access can be restricted by charging. Sitting between private and pure public goods, they show institutions shape how goods are supplied.
难度 进阶 · 适合 高中(15-18) CC BY 4.0 · 来源待核验 · Source pending review
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出处备注:著录含书名,但缺版次 / 出版社 / 年份中的一部分,需编辑补全后才能做独立比对。

Buchanan,《俱乐部的经济理论》(1965)

Buchanan, 'An Economic Theory of Clubs' (1965)

#俱乐部物品 #准公共物品 #排他性

为什么食品安全不能只靠企业自觉?

Why can't food safety be left to businesses' good intentions alone?

因为存在严重的信息不对称:生产者远比消费者清楚食品是否安全,而安全问题往往要到出事后才暴露。在竞争压力下,个别企业可能偷工减料,损害却由消费者健康和整个行业的信誉承担。政府通过标准、检验、许可和处罚提高违规成本,保护消费者的知情权和健康权。
Because of severe information asymmetry: producers know far more about whether food is safe than buyers do, and problems surface only after harm occurs. Under competitive pressure, some firms cut corners while consumers' health and the industry's reputation absorb the damage. Government regulation, through standards, inspection, licensing, and penalties, raises the cost of cheating and protects consumers' right to know and their health.
难度 进阶 · 适合 初中(12-15) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-04
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Bator,《The Anatomy of Market Failure》(Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1958)

Francis Bator, 'The Anatomy of Market Failure' (Quarterly Journal of Economics, 1958)

#食品安全 #监管 #信息不对称

为什么人们要签合同?合同到底起什么作用?

Why do people sign contracts, and what do contracts actually do?

合同是双方对交易条件的书面约定,核心作用是管理风险和建立信任:白纸黑字写明权利义务,减少误解和事后扯皮;一旦一方违约,另一方可以诉诸法律要求履行或赔偿,违约要付出代价。这种“可执行的承诺”让大金额、长期、远距离的交易变得可能——没有合同保障,很多合作根本不会发生。
A contract is a written agreement on the terms of a transaction. Its core job is managing risk and building trust: putting rights and duties in writing reduces misunderstanding, and if one side breaches, the other can go to court for performance or damages, making breach costly. These enforceable promises make large, long-term, and distant deals possible; without them, much cooperation simply wouldn't happen.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 来源待核验 · Source pending review
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出处备注:著录仅给书名,无版次与年份;同一书名常对应多个版次,不臆测具体版本。

《经济学原理》(曼昆)(契约与市场章)

Principles of Economics (Mankiw), contracts and markets chapter

#合同 #契约 #法治

垄断者与竞争企业在产量和价格上的行为有何根本不同?

How does a monopolist's pricing and output behavior fundamentally differ from that of a competitive firm?

竞争企业是“价格接受者”,按市场价格出售,只能调整产量;垄断者是“价格制定者”,面对向下倾斜的需求曲线,会通过限产把价格抬到边际成本之上以最大化利润。结果垄断产量低于、价格高于竞争水平,产生无谓损失,并伴随更高的垄断利润。
A competitive firm is a price taker—it sells at the market price and only chooses how much to produce; a monopolist is a price setter facing a downward-sloping demand curve, restricting output to push price above marginal cost to maximize profit. The result is output below and price above the competitive level, creating deadweight loss and earning monopoly profits.
难度 进阶 · 适合 初中(12-15) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-02
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《经济学原理》(曼昆) 第15章

Principles of Economics (Mankiw), ch. 15

#垄断 #市场结构 #无谓损失

反垄断法有什么作用?

What is the role of antitrust law?

反垄断法防止企业滥用市场支配地位,禁止卡特尔、垄断协议与掠夺性定价,以维护竞争。竞争能压低价格、激励创新并保护消费者。它平衡效率与公平,是市场制度的基础设施。
Antitrust law prevents firms from abusing market dominance, banning cartels, monopoly agreements, and predatory pricing to preserve competition. Competition lowers prices, spurs innovation, and protects consumers. It balances efficiency and fairness as infrastructure of the market system.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
来源 · Source

N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#反垄断 #竞争 #监管

现代股份公司中“所有权与经营权分离”会带来什么问题?董事会扮演什么角色?

What problems arise from the separation of ownership and control in modern corporations, and what role does the board play?

股东(委托人)将经营交给经理(代理人),而经理的激励与股东不一定一致,可能追求帝国扩张、在职消费或过度避险,这就是“代理人问题”。董事会代表股东监督和任免高管、批准重大决策,并通过薪酬设计(股权激励、业绩挂钩)和监督机制缓解利益冲突,降低委托代理成本。
Shareholders (principals) delegate management to executives (agents) whose incentives may diverge from owners'—empire building, perks, or excessive risk-aversion—the classic principal-agent problem. The board of directors represents shareholders in overseeing and appointing executives, approving major decisions, and using incentive pay (equity, performance-based compensation) and monitoring to align interests and reduce agency costs.
难度 进阶 · 适合 初中(12-15) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-02
来源 · Source

OECD(《公司治理原则》)

OECD (G20/OECD Principles of Corporate Governance)

#公司治理 #代理人问题 #董事会

什么是市场失灵?

What is market failure?

市场失灵指自由市场无法有效配置资源,表现为垄断、外部性、公共物品短缺或信息不对称。此时单靠价格机制会损害效率或公平。政府干预(税收、管制、提供公共品)常被用来纠正。
Market failure occurs when free markets fail to allocate resources efficiently, seen in monopoly, externalities, public-goods shortages, or information asymmetry. Relying solely on price mechanisms then harms efficiency or fairness. Government intervention (taxes, regulation, public provision) is often used to correct it.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
来源 · Source

N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#市场失灵 #政府干预 #效率

证券监管的目的是什么?

What is the purpose of securities regulation?

证券监管旨在保护投资者、维护市场公平透明并防范系统性风险。它要求信息披露、禁止内幕交易与市场操纵。没有监管,欺诈将侵蚀市场信任。
Securities regulation aims to protect investors, keep markets fair and transparent, and prevent systemic risk. It mandates disclosure and bans insider trading and market manipulation. Without it, fraud erodes market trust.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
来源 · Source

N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#证券监管 #投资者保护 #信息披露

金融市场如何配置资源?

How do financial markets allocate resources?

金融市场把闲置资金从储蓄者导向最具回报的投资项目,通过价格(利率、股价)反映风险与预期。它让资本流向高效用途,并分散风险。失灵时会引发危机并波及实体。
Financial markets channel idle funds from savers to the most rewarding projects, with prices (interest rates, stock prices) reflecting risk and expectations. They direct capital to efficient uses and spread risk. When they fail, crises spill into the real economy.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
来源 · Source

N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#金融市场 #资本配置 #风险

专利制度如何用“垄断”来促进创新?它带来什么代价?

How does the patent system promote innovation through temporary monopoly, and what does it cost?

研发投入大、风险高,而成果一旦公开就容易被模仿,若无保护将无人愿意投资。专利给予发明人有限期限(一般20年)的排他权,使其能收取高于竞争水平的价格以收回研发成本,形成动态创新激励。代价是专利期内价格偏高、产量受限(静态无效率),所以政策要在激励创新与限制垄断之间权衡,例如限定保护期限与范围。
R&D is costly and risky, and once results are public they are easy to imitate, so without protection firms would underinvest. Patents grant inventors exclusive rights for a limited term (typically 20 years), letting them charge above-competitive prices to recoup R&D costs—creating dynamic innovation incentives. The cost is higher prices and restricted output during the patent term (static inefficiency), so policy must balance innovation incentives against monopoly power, for example through patent length and scope.
难度 进阶 · 适合 初中(12-15) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-02
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《经济学原理》(曼昆) 第15章

Principles of Economics (Mankiw), ch. 15

#专利 #创新激励 #知识产权

什么是“道德风险”?

What is moral hazard?

道德风险指交易一方因被保护或信息隐蔽,事后更敢于冒险并让对方承担后果,如投保后疏于防火。它与逆向选择不同,发生在合约之后。保险与救助中的激励设计需防范它。
Moral hazard is when one party, protected or hidden, dares to take more risk after the fact, leaving the other to bear consequences—like neglecting fire safety after insuring. Unlike adverse selection, it occurs after the contract. Incentive design in insurance and bailouts must guard against it.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
来源 · Source

N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#道德风险 #激励 #保险

为什么企业大到一定程度,政府就要警惕甚至干预?

Why do governments get wary and intervene when firms grow very large?

因为当一家或几家企业主导市场(垄断或寡头),它们可能抬高价格、降低质量、排挤新进入者,最终损害消费者。反垄断法(竞争法)禁止滥用市场支配地位和合谋定价,必要时可阻止并购甚至拆分企业。但大企业也能借助规模经济降低成本、提供低价服务,所以执法要判断“大”是否真的损害了竞争和消费者福利。
When one or a few firms dominate a market, a monopoly or oligopoly, they may raise prices, lower quality, and crowd out new entrants, ultimately hurting consumers. Antitrust law prohibits abusing market dominance and colluding on prices, and can block mergers or even break firms up. But large firms also gain economies of scale that cut costs and prices, so enforcement must ask whether being big actually harms competition and consumer welfare.
难度 进阶 · 适合 初中(12-15) CC BY 4.0 · 来源待核验 · Source pending review
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出处备注:著录仅给书名,无版次与年份;同一书名常对应多个版次,不臆测具体版本。

《经济学原理》(曼昆)(垄断章)

Principles of Economics (Mankiw), monopoly chapter

#反垄断 #竞争 #消费者福利

征信系统有什么作用?

What is the role of a credit reporting system?

征信系统记录个人与企业的借贷履约历史,降低放贷机构的信息不对称,使守信者更易获得低息贷款。它用“声誉资本”约束违约行为。缺失征信的市场往往利率高、覆盖窄。
A credit reporting system records the borrowing and repayment history of individuals and firms, reducing lenders' information asymmetry and helping the creditworthy get cheaper loans. It uses “reputational capital” to deter default. Markets without credit bureaus tend to have high rates and narrow coverage.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
来源 · Source

N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#征信 #信用 #信息不对称

什么是“柠檬市场”?

What is the “market for lemons”?

“柠檬市场”是阿克洛夫提出的二手车市场模型:卖方比买方更清楚车况,劣质车(“柠檬”)把优质车挤出市场,最终市场充斥次品。这揭示信息不对称会摧毁市场。解决之道是担保、认证与信誉机制。
The “market for lemons” is Akerlof's used-car model: sellers know more about quality than buyers, so bad cars (“lemons”) drive out good ones, leaving the market full of inferior goods. It shows information asymmetry can destroy a market. Warranties, certification, and reputation are remedies.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-10-03 · 3 条独立证据
来源 · Source

N. Gregory Mankiw,《Principles of Economics》第8版,Cengage,2017;中译《经济学原理》北京大学出版社

N. G. Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 8th ed., Cengage, 2017; Chinese ed. Peking University Press

#信息不对称 #柠檬市场 #逆向选择

为什么说“司法独立”是法治的核心?

Why is judicial independence central to the rule of law?

司法独立指法官审理案件时只依据法律和事实作出裁判,不受行政机关、立法机关或权势个人不当干涉。只有当人们相信判决看的是法律而非关系和权力,才愿意通过诉讼解决纠纷,而不是自行报复。独立还使法院能够审查政府行为是否合法,这是保护个人权利、约束公权力的重要机制。
Judicial independence means judges decide cases according to law and facts, free from improper interference by the executive, legislature, or powerful individuals. Only when people believe verdicts follow law rather than connections or power will they settle disputes in court instead of taking revenge. Independence also lets courts review whether government acts are lawful, a key mechanism for protecting rights and restraining power.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 来源待核验 · Source pending review
来源 · Source

出处备注:著录仅给书名,无版次与年份;同一书名常对应多个版次,不臆测具体版本。

世界正义工程(World Justice Project)《法治指数》方法论

World Justice Project, Rule of Law Index methodology

#司法独立 #法治 #审判

为什么经济学家认为“制度”决定一个国家能不能富起来?

Why do economists argue that "institutions" decide whether a country becomes rich?

制度是约束人们行为的规则体系,包括法律、产权保护、契约执行、政治体制和反腐败机制。好的制度——产权受保护、合同可执行、腐败少——让人敢于投资、创新和合作,经济就能长期增长;坏的制度即使资源丰富也会被浪费。诺斯等经济学家由此把“制度是长期增长的深层原因”作为制度经济学的核心结论,很多国家之间的贫富差距也由此得到解释。
Institutions are the rule systems constraining behavior, including laws, property protection, contract enforcement, political systems, and anti-corruption mechanisms. Good institutions, where property is protected, contracts enforced, and corruption low, make people willing to invest, innovate, and cooperate, sustaining long-run growth; bad institutions waste even abundant resources. Douglass North and others made institutions as the deep cause of long-run growth the core of institutional economics, explaining much of the wealth gap between nations.
难度 进阶 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 来源待核验 · Source pending review
来源 · Source

出处备注:著录含书名,但缺版次 / 出版社 / 年份中的一部分,需编辑补全后才能做独立比对。

La Porta, Lopez-de-Silanes, Shleifer & Vishny,《Law and Finance》(Journal of Financial Economics, 1998)

La Porta, Lopez-de-Silanes, Shleifer & Vishny, 'Law and Finance' (Journal of Financial Economics, 1998)

#制度经济学 #产权 #经济增长

为什么说“产权清晰”是市场有效运行的基石?

Why are clear property rights the foundation of a well-functioning market?

产权规定一项资源归谁所有、由谁使用和处置。产权明确,人们才有动力投资和改进自己的资产——地是自己的,人才愿意长期经营;收益归自己,人才肯花力气。产权模糊则会引发过度使用或无人维护,即“公地悲剧”。法律对产权的保护,也是合同与交易能够建立信任的基础。
Property rights define who owns, uses, and disposes of a resource. Clear rights give people incentives to invest in and improve what they own: people tend land only if it's theirs and work hard only when gains accrue to them. Vague rights invite overuse or neglect, the tragedy of the commons. Legal protection of property is also the trust base that makes contracts and trade work.
难度 进阶 · 适合 初中(12-15) CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-11-04
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《经济学原理》(曼昆)(产权与激励章)

Principles of Economics (Mankiw), property rights and incentives chapter

#产权 #激励 #公地悲剧

什么是“非正式制度”?它为何重要?

What are “informal institutions,” and why do they matter?

非正式制度指不成文的习惯、规范与信任网络(如熟人信用),在正式法律薄弱处替代或补充治理,深刻影响经济绩效与合约执行。
Informal institutions are unwritten norms, habits, and trust networks (e.g., kinship credit) that substitute or supplement governance where law is weak, shaping economic performance.
难度 入门 · 适合 大众 CC BY 4.0 · 已核验 · Verified 2026-08-23 · 2 条独立证据
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费孝通,《乡土中国》北京大学出版社,2012 等版本

Fei Xiaotong, From the Soil, multiple editions incl. Peking University Press, 2012

#非正式制度 #规范 #信任